Saturday, June 25, 2005

Broken Windows

Broken Windows: New Evidence from New York City and a Five-City Social Experiment

University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 73, 2006

BY: BERNARD E. HARCOURT
University of Chicago
Law School
JENS LUDWIG
Georgetown University
Public Policy Institute (GPPI)
Brookings Institution
Economic Studies Program


Paper ID: U of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 93

Contact: BERNARD E. HARCOURT
Email: Mailto:bharcour@law.uchicago.edu
Postal: University of Chicago
Law School
1111 E. 60th St.
Chicago, IL 60637 UNITED STATES
Phone: 773-834-4068
Fax: 773-702-0730
Co-Auth: JENS LUDWIG
Email: Mailto:ludwigj@georgetown.edu
Postal: Georgetown University
Public Policy Institute (GPPI)
3600 N Street, NW Suite 200
Washington, DC 20057 UNITED STATES

ABSTRACT:
In 1982, James Q. Wilson and George Kelling suggested in an influential article in the Atlantic Monthly that targeting minor disorder could help reduce more serious crime. More than 20 years later, the three most populous cities in the U.S. - New York, Chicago and, most recently, Los Angeles - have all adopted at least some aspect of Wilson and Kelling's theory, primarily through more aggressive enforcement of minor misdemeanor laws. Remarkably little, though, is currently known about the effect of broken windows policing on crime.

According to a recent National Research Council report, existing research does not provide strong support for the broken windows hypothesis - with the possible exception of a 2001 study of crime trends in New York City by George Kelling and William Sousa.

In this paper, we re-examine the Kelling and Sousa 2001 study and independently analyze the crime data from New York City for the period 1989-98. In addition, we present results from an important social experiment known as Moving to Opportunity (MTO) underway in five cities, including New York, Chicago and Los Angeles as well as Baltimore and Boston, which provides what is arguably the first truly rigorous test of the broken windows hypothesis. Under this program, approximately 4,800 low-income families living in high-crime public housing communities characterized by high rates of social disorder were randomly assigned housing vouchers to move to less disadvantaged and disorderly communities. The MTO program thus provides the ideal test of the broken windows theory.

Taken together, the evidence from New York City and from the five-city social experiment provides no support for a simple first-order disorder-crime relationship as hypothesized by Wilson and Kelling, nor that broken windows policing is the optimal use of scarce law enforcement resources.

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